The strategy that had been employed by Syriza during the negotiations with the Troika implied that a change in the political alignment in Greece could set the stage for changes in the Eurozone.  There are two incompatible issues that we have seen. The perseverance with the programme that was proclaimed to the people of Greece and to submit to the demands of the troika and on the other hand, the need to consider the true alternative, which is to stand firmly on the position of leaving the  Eurozone.  For groups on the far left, the programme that has been proclaimed by Syriza is not seen as radical, but rather a moderate one. The dilemma of Syriza is that it has a mandate to implement its programme but does not have a mandate to keep Greece in the Eurozone. The Syriza leadership, in their agreement with the Finance Ministers earlier this year made some concessions on their pre-election commitments not to extend the Troika’s bailout programme and to reverse austerity. But this is unacceptable to the Eurozone, which has demanded the full implementation of previous and new measures before it would release additional funds. What is clear is that Syriza has won the elections but it is not in control. The European institutions are forcing the Greek Government to choose between subordination to the lenders or be expelled out of the Eurozone.

There are other groups in Greece who see thing differently, that being in Government is not the be all and end all for the working class. These are the groups that remind everyone that a government of the left is not the main aim of the party but instead a transition point leading towards Socialism.

The Greek Government is at the moment isolated and it seems it is being used as an example to other countries, which are facing a similar problem. Therefore it becomes clear that what is needed is that other countries must also be mobilised so that they can start a Europe–wide uprising to overthrow austerity.

The decline of mass strikes in the 2010-2012 period, which ensured the success of Syriza, has resulted in a lull, while the effectiveness of the elected leaders is being tested.  Indeed, Syriza has a very crucial role to play in defending the original positions, which enables the Government to remain connected to the original policies. But this is not enough. It must put in place mechanisms that will attempt to mobilize a mass challenge against the Troika. The resistance to all the internal and international pressures for privatisation is going to depend directly on mass mobilization. All the plans that speak to the above are supposed to be developed quickly because time is running out.

The convincing 63% No-vote against the austerity measures, held on 10 July reflected the sentiment and attitude of the Greek working and suffering majority towards the troika prescriptions. The subsequent signing of another Memorandum (August 2015) and further entanglement of the country into troika financial entrapment by the Tsipras–led  government raises the question of the role of the radical left formations in future developments. These formations, as a front of collaboration, constituted the Popular Unity as a political front. They stood in the parliamentary elections held on 20 September but could not gain the minimum 3% threshold required to get parliamentary representation. The Antarsya coalition expressed a willingness to work in and for a progressive front for joint action. With the movement having to rejuvenate itself and elections in Spain looming in November, the road ahead for Europe’s radical left holds possibilities for advances, notwithstanding the disappointments suffered.